Canada and Trump 2.0: Dealing with the reality in front of us

Some quick thoughts on what Trump’s re-election could mean for Canada, from someone whose dissertation examined the conditions underpinning Canadian policy autonomy in the shadow of the United States. These points touch on both current and past research interests as they relate to Canada. I will probably turn several of these into longer opeds at some point, but I wanted to get my initial reactions down.

The tl;dr on what went down last night. Trump’s re-election poses a five-alarm threat to the Canadian economy and to Canada’s liberal-democratic society. It would be a disservice to say otherwise. I have no idea how we’re going to deal with this. And anyone who tells you they do is just guessing.

Trump’s election, with a majority mandate, running as a straight-up authoritarian (call him a fascist; you’re not wrong), with a politicized Supreme Court that’s granted Republican presidents (let’s not pretend otherwise) immunity for any crimes committed while in office, a ready-to-go plan, and a supine media (the hundreds of thousands of Washington Post subscribers who cancelled understood exactly what they were doing), signals the transformation, potentially for generations, of the United States from a flawed liberal democracy to an authoritarian superpower, little different in size from China or in temperament from Russia.

And we’re right next door.

We’ve never had an authoritarian neighbour before. I guarantee we’re not ready for what’s coming.

So:

  • Canada-US trade relations were already headed in a more coercive direction thanks to the USMCA’s renegotiation clause, which I’d previously written about for The Conversation in 2018, but which most analysts only picked up on earlier this year. Trump’s election signals the definitive end of the rules-based North American trade relationship. The whole thing about authoritarian governments is their disdain for the rule of law. They maintain for themselves the right to change or ignore the rules as they choose.
  • Canada’s traditional trade lobbying tactics will become less effective. Canadian officials always like to point out how much trade individual states do with Canada. The implication is that if you put a tariff on Canadian goods, that will hurt your communities. But this tactic only works in a country with a functioning democracy. If your authoritarian leader is isolated from public opinion, they will feel more empowered to dish out the hurt should, say, Justin Trudeau shake Trump’s hand in the wrong way.
  • These structural changes mean that Canada’s policy autonomy space (again, the subject of my dissertation) is now supremely curtailed.
  • Managing our economic relations with an authoritarian regime will be difficult, but the real problem, and the threat that should keep you up at night (if I can’t sleep, I don’t see why any of you should be able to!), is to Canada’s liberal democracy. I very, very strongly doubt that an authoritarian US will tolerate a liberal democracy on its border. And freed by the Supreme Court and his own sociopathic nature from any restrictions on his dealings with anyone, Trump and his US government will feel no reluctance to meddle, Russia-style, in our politics and our elections.
  • I’m not sure that Canadian policy autonomy and a healthy liberal democracy can survive a Trumpist America.
  • I worry about the Canadian military. It’s tightly integrated with the United States’. One of the lessons I recall from either my Masters or my PhD was how the US used their integration into Latin American and South American militaries to support authoritarian leaders. This hasn’t really been a problem for the Canadian military, largely because of shared values around the rules-based international order and a liberal attachment to human rights. Both of those are now gone. Also, will, or should, Canadians be comfortable when our soldiers are asked/required to support US military missions that are nakedly about preserving US power, not promoting any deeper ideals?
  • On climate change, we’re going to have to come to terms with the uncomfortable reality that our best chance at avoiding the worst of global heating runs through China. As Peter Drahos argues in his criminally under-read book Survival Governance, only China has the market size, external linkages, functioning bureaucracy and cleantech technological know-how to push the global economy off the carbon track in time to actually make a difference. The EU’s heart is in the right place but their internal energy market is too fractured, India has its own problems, and the United States, always beholden to is carbon industries, has now explicitly left the game. Which leaves China. (On the plus side, now that the US is going authoritarian, the biggest argument against Chinese leadership — that it’s an authoritarian, freedom-hating country — is now off the table. All that’s left is garden-variety racism.)
  • On social media and digital regulation, Musk’s tanking of Twitter/X for Trump and Bezos’ Washington Post non-endorsement highlight something I’ve been arguing for years: That Canada has to get serious about digital regulation. As I wrote almost three years ago, the US tech giants are uniquely vulnerable to pressure from the US government. Their free-speech positioning, beloved of a certain brand of unreconstructed internet-freedom true believer, has always been a reflection of dominant US values and interests, nothing more. Faced with an authoritarian climate and authoritarian back home, they will happily export this authoritarianism abroad.
  • Musk and Bezos’ actions (as well as Zuckerberg going all-in on the rapey, authoritarian Trump) highlight another uncomfortable reality for Canadian regulators: Our digital-regulation agenda, the Online Streaming, News and Harms Acts on which officials expended so much energy, are nowhere near equal to the task of disciplining these corporations. Faced with the tsunami of shit that’s heading our way on social media and a degraded search, our legitimate news sources need much more money, yesterday. And if it won’t come from advertising, it’s gotta come from somewhere else. Time to face hard facts. Same for culture.
  • The worst of the lot is Bill C-63. I’ve previously written of my profound indifference to the proposed Online Harms Act, even shorn of its out-of-scope and over-reaching non-social-media elements. Bill C-63 is, at the end of the day, an overly cautious piece of legislation that continues — after all this time, against all evidence to the contrary — to treat social media companies (that it leaves other digital giants out of scope is another thing entirely) as trusted co-regulators. Show us a plan! Give us some data! You can design and run your own enforcement systems! And for all of that, mostly you can ignore your effects on anyone over the age of 18. Bezos’ and Musk’s direct interference in their media properties shows that the root problem with these companies is the companies themselves, and that we’ve signed over our information ecosystem to a bunch of unaccountable (except to Trump) foreign billionaires. Meanwhile, these bills’ ideologically obstinate opponents are critical of even the idea of regulation, because freedom. That so few of us are calling for more effective regulation that actually addresses root causes remains an enormous problem.
  • Everyone in official Ottawa — every Canadian — should read Kim Richard Nossal’s indispensable book, Canada Alone: Navigating the Post-American World. Released a year ago, it explores the challenge Canada would face should Trump be re-elected and his brand of National Conservatism (see what he did there?) triumph. Nossal is one of the leading scholars of Canada-US relations. He doesn’t jump at shadows. That he doesn’t have any great ideas for how Canada should navigate this disaster — his most concrete idea is to hold a Royal Commission, which, definitely — should tell you everything you need to know about how unprecedented and dangerous our current moment is for the country. On Monday, when we read it in my graduate seminar, Canada Alone was speculative. Today, Wednesday, November 6, 2024, it’s the clearest road map we have to the coming darkness.
  • It’s also a good time to re-read Albert Camus’ The Plague. Navigating a deadly pandemic against the indifference of others and a metaphor for dealing with the rise of fascism? Truly, it’s the story for our times. Heaven help us.
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Brian Mulroney, the conventional wisdom, and how yesterday’s solutions become today’s problems

An absolutely remarkable oped on the virtual front page of the Globe and Mail this morning. In response to the CN and CP lockouts (since ended by the government via binding arbitration) of their workers, themselves concerned about health and safety issues, independent journalist and public historian Taylor C. Noakes argues in favour of nationalizing Canada’s railways. His reasoning is straightforward: Railways are essential economic infrastructure. We can’t afford to be held hostage to the caprices of private companies.

Less interesting for me is his argument (he’s 100% correct) than that the Globe and Mail, Canada’s remaining serious business paper of record, ran an article calling for the nationalization of an industry on their front page.

“It’s time to consider nationalizing Canada’s railways” is not a headline that any Very Serious Person would have entertained 20 years ago. The ground is shifting under our feet and with it, slowly and unremarked-upon, the conventional wisdom.

The distance between the 1980s and now can be measured by this headline.

But even as the conventional wisdom — Canadian economist John Kenneth Galbraith’s term for the range of acceptable opinions at any given time — shifts, the unconscious, unacknowledged nature of this shift is causing a lot of problems for Canada and Canadians.

Nowhere was this more on display than in the Canadian media’s hagiographic veneration of former Prime Minister Brian Mulroney upon his death on February 28, 2024. The link above is to the Globe’s search results on Mulroney’s name: check it out and see what I mean.

The death of a consequential prime minister like Mulroney offered Canadians a chance to reflect on how his past policies shaped the Canada of today, for good or ill. Unfortunately, in the rush to celebrate the man, Canadian media, for the most part, robbed Canadians of a chance to reckon with the reality that almost all of Mulroney’s enduring policies — deregulation, privatization and US free trade — are no longer fit for purpose. Mulroney helped to create the world we live in, but it’s a world in which two foreign railroad companies can tank the entire Canadian economy over a labour dispute.

Deregulation and privatization — his government’s watchwords, proudly claimed — have left us at the mercy of anti-competitive monopolies.

Under Mulroney, privatization meant that we lost the ability to respond collectively to problems when necessary. The embrace of privatization involved/involves the denigration of public options, even when (as with railway nationalization) they made sense. What’s more, Mulroney began the trend of treating the public service as the bad guys, gutting its capacity to adapt to new challenges.

As for free trade, agreements like the USMCA that contain renegotiation clauses don’t really protect the smaller country because the smaller country remains vulnerable to retaliation. This will become ever-more obvious as the USMCA renegotiations draw closer. That it wasn’t immediately obvious was due, in my opinion, not only to the relief of getting any certainty under from the unstable and authoritarian Donald Trump, but also because the concept of free trade has a talismanic aura borne of another era. As it was, in 2018, few analysts even raised this vulnerability as an issue. In contrast, my dissertation research on North American governance made it immediately obvious to me that this was going to cause problems. It’s always a mixed blessing when one’s research demonstrates such direct, depressing relevance.

When solutions become problems

To be clear, Mulroney’s actions for the most part simply reflected the conventional wisdom of his time. Privatization, deregulation, and free trade are straight out of the 1980s mainstream policy manual drafted by Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, and accepted as the conventional wisdom by right- and left-wing parties for decades afterwards.

More importantly, that privatization, deregulation and free trade agreements are now backfiring on us isn’t unusual. It’s common that one generation’s solutions become the next’s problems. The real trouble arises when you don’t understand fully that this has happened, that the world has changed, and fail to adapt.

And, as our nationalization headline suggests, the world has changed. Monopolies run rampant, the multilateral trade system is dying, and civilizational challenges like the climate crisis can only be solved with strong government intervention, with Big Government. The policy world birthed by Mulroney, and nurtured by Chrétien, and Martin (both Liberals, not conservatives), and Harper, no longer fits the world in which we live. We are in the anti-1980s.

The problem is this: The policies of the previous generation helped to create the policy monsters facing this generation. They changed the world. But they are now the problem getting in the way of making life better for Canadians.

From this perspective, Canada’s past decade starts to make a lot of sense. The last 10 years are what you get when you fail to understand and adapt fully to the era you’re living in. After his election in 2015, Justin Trudeau seemed to be governing like it was 1999: Sunny ways, gender and social equality, but stay the course. To their credit, as they were hit by crisis after crisis — Trump, Covid, the Ottawa Occupation, rampant monopoly power, out-of-control foreign online media companies — his government changed course as reality intruded.

But old habits die hard. Policy-wise, the past several years have been so frustrating because while this government is, for the most part, pointed in the right direction, they don’t seem to have the courage of their convictions. The best way I can put it is, they’re doing their best to respond to the moment, but they are not of the moment. So we get half-measures.

Even worse, though, are the Conservatives. Under Pierre Poilievre, they’ve descended into cargo-cult conservatism. They have failed utterly to adapt to the changing world or to the fact that yesterday’s solutions are causing today’s problems. As befitting a leader who treats federal politics like a exceptionally sophomoric high school debating tournament, there is no meaning behind anything Poilievre says. Every utterance is chosen only to win the next point. It is literally bullshit, in the academic sense of the term. Their shibboleths are backward-looking, policies (such as they are) from another era that, when applied to the world of today, just won’t work. At a time when we desperately need thoughtful policy for a new world, they have nothing to offer but slogans.

It’s incredibly demoralizing.

We need generational change. We need politicians and policymakers of this moment, who understand the world as it is, not as they imagine or wish it would be. Unfortunately, it’s unclear from where this change will come.

The current government is tired. I worry that replacing Trudeau would likely just amount to rearranging deckchairs. The Conservatives are cosplaying.

Yes, the conventional wisdom is shifting to where it needs to be, but only slowly and in an unacknowledged way that leads to incremental reforms and the retention of destructive old ideas, at a time when wholesale changes are needed. (As it happens, I have two go-to policies that, to me, would indicate that a government is serious about taking on the world as it is: They would create and fund sufficiently a high-powered consumer-protection agency, and make explicit efforts to rebuild public-sector capacity, such as through the re-creation of an Economic Council of Canada, which Mulroney shuttered in 1993.)

After all, the challenges we face are only going to get worse.

As a reward for reading this far, here’s a photo of Tiramisu.

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New from me: What the Google monopoly finding tells us about the Canadian platform debate

Just published in The Globe and Mail. Yes, the headline (which I didn’t write) goes hard, but it’s not wrong. So much of our years-long Canadian platform-regulation debate has involved regulation proponents defending the basic premise that platform regulation (and internet regulation — the two are often conflated) itself is legitimate, and not a totalitarian plot to censor free speech and steal your freedoms.

As I note in the article, although many of these arguments are presented as if from a novel, free speech-focused cyberlibertarian perspective, in reality they’re little different from anti-regulation free market fundamentalism that’s as old as the hills. At the heart of almost all of the anti-platform-regulation critiques is the idea that the free market should be left to decide all, whether it’s the fate of Canada’s cultural industries (Bill C-11), Canadian news media (Bill C-18) or the Canadian social fabric (Bill C-63).

Which is why the formal, legal finding that Google is a search monopoly is so clarifying. Because when you have a monopoly, the question isn’t should we regulate, but how should we regulate?

For the past five-plus years, I’ve been trying to make the argument that platforms are consequential regulators: they aspire to set the rules by which other play. That’s what it means to be a platform. They’re not normal market players facing (potentially overreaching) government regulation. They are government rivals who want to displace government rule-setting with their own. The choice was never between government regulation and the free market. It’s between accountable, democratic government regulation and regulation by autocratic, unaccountable, profit-driven, self-interested foreign companies.

In retrospect, perhaps I should’ve simply gone straight to the truth that platforms are merely monopolists or aspiring monopolists. Monopolists, left unregulated, enjoy enormous leeway to abuse their customers in their own interest, subject only to how much their users need their services: the more essential they are, the harder it is for users to go without. Which allows them to set self-interested rules of the game for their users. IOW, they’re consequential regulators.

It is much easier to make the regulation argument for monopolies than it is for platforms even when they’re pretty much the same thing. That’s because we already have an accepted language to understand them, and a set of agreed-upon remedies. Monopolies lead to bad consumer outcomes, particularly higher prices or, equivalently, worse service. They’re evidence of a market failure. And market failures require government intervention to fix.

Which is what the federal government has been trying to do all along. Not perfectly, and I’ve never seen a government so incapable of explaining even its good decisions. But when the gang on the other side of the aisle is screaming, “Freedom!” and “Censorship!” and “Authoritarianism!,” credit is due for pushing forward in the appropriate direction.

If anything, the government has been too deferential to these companies, bending over backward to ensure that they don’t interfere too much with their internal workings. I addressed this issue with respect to the proposed online harms legislation.

It would be nice if the US court ruling would lead the more unequivocal opponents of the government’s regulatory agenda to reconsider their stance. Addressing market failures is something that anyone who understands economics should be able to get behind.

Imagine, the anti-regulation argument now neutered, a renewed, more productive conversation about what platform regulation should look like. As I suggest at the end of the article, it would be great if this debate recognized the public-utility nature of these companies. There’s a reason why people have stuck with Facebook even though corporate censorship has reduced them to using screenshots of media URLs to communicate with their friends. This is the kind of thing you do when you have no choice but to use a service.

I would love to see a debate that pits the government’s current minimalist approach versus a more maximalist, public utility view of platform regulation. Will it happen? Probably not at the moment, given the ideological bent of our current Official Opposition. But it’s a lovely Wednesday morning, and one can dream.

Enjoy this picture of Toronto.

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Everybody knew. Nobody did anything.

“Everybody knew.”
 – Carole Sabiston, Andrea Robin Skinner’s stepmother

“Every generation throws a hero up the pop charts.”
– Paul Simon, The Boy in the Bubble

“Our band could be your life.”
– Michael Azerrad

“But at the same time, as every decent person should, he deliberately took the side of the victim and wanted to meet others, his fellow-citizens, on the basis on the only certainties they all have in common, which are love, suffering and exile.”
– Albert Camus, The Plague

The revelations in the Sunday Toronto Star regarding the sexual abuse suffered by Andrea Robin Skinner at the hands of her stepfather, and the monstrous, sociopathic reaction of her mother, Canadian literary icon Alice Munro, were both horrifying and necessary to read. Horrifying for the damage that Munro and her husband inflicted on their children. Necessary because they’re a reminder that the impulse to privilege the perceived genius, the powerful and the famous at the expense of the young and the vulnerable continues to disfigure our society.

Skinner’s courageous account of her story has already sparked many conversations. I’ll leave it to others to work through whether we should separate the artist from the art (though I’d argue that art is never produced in a vacuum, and art’s relationship to the artist is part of the art, though not its entirety). Similarly, English lit professors can re-examine Munro’s work in light of what we now know of her (though my mind immediately went to how Louis CK’s abusive actions cast his standup in a completely different light). Ditto for the continued persistence of taboos against interfering in others’ marriages and in helping victims of sexual abuse (though I note that American comedian Paul Scheer’s recently published insightful, thoughtful (and funny) memoir Joyful Recollections of Trauma mirrors somewhat Skinner’s story of dealing with an abusive (in this case violent) stepfather and the resulting feeling of abandonment when the adults in his life failed to stand up for him (Seriously, it’s a fantastic read. Go buy it.)).

Alice Munro and her husband deserve all the posthumous scorn they’ll cop. As someone who hasn’t read Munro since high school, and whose well-read MA in English Lit partner always considered Munro’s work to be tedious and overrated, I’m not particularly invested in whether or not people stop reading her. What I do care about is how we as a society keep enabling these monsters (and to be clear, I’m talking about Munro as well as her husband) because they’re seen to be geniuses or famous or someone’s meal ticket.

This is the quote from the Star news story that I keep coming back to:

“Over the course of the nearly 50 years this secret has been kept, rumours of it emerged in various circles. ‘Everybody knew,’ recalls [Skinner’s stepmother] Carole [Sabiston]. She recounts being at a dinner party with a journalist who asked her, ‘Is it true?’ Her answer: ‘Yes, it’s true.’”

Not everybody knew, of course. Not my well-read partner. Not most Canadians. But if Sabiston is to be believed (and why wouldn’t you?), the Canadian literary establishment and at least one journalist were aware. And were silent.

We can ask why, but we know why. Genius and power excuse a lot of bad behaviour. The more important the person, the greater their impunity, and the less important the broken people they leave in their destructive wake. It’s sobering to think that, in this at least, there is little difference between convicted felon Donald Trump and Alice Munro: “When you’re a star, they let you do it. You can do anything.” For Trump, “they” are the women he was assaulting. In Munro’s case, and the husband she covered for for decades, “they” are the members of the Canadian literary and journalism establishment, who all turned a blind eye to Munro and her husband’s cruel behaviour rather than ask uncomfortable questions of a scion of their establishment. It’s fraternity house rules: Bros before children who’ve been raped.

Power and genius don’t just serve to enable obscenities on the level of Weinsteinesque sexual predation or Munro’s support of a pedophile (a pedophile who admitted to his crimes in writing and was eventually convicted for them). They also serve as a license for tawdry bullying, harassment and cruelty throughout society, all of which remain rampant and protected, taking a toll on their less-powerful targets. The crimes differ in degree, but the impulse they engender in those who choose to do nothing is exactly the same: protect the powerful, neglect the innocent.

Academia and bullying (and worse)

The impulse to protect the powerful, to go along to get along, is certainly rampant in academia, which is one of the reasons “Everybody knew” sticks in my craw. In my own circles, I and my partner, Natasha Tusikov, have attempted to call out blatant bad behaviour, including by at least one senior academic against a very junior colleague. The response was revelatory: emails from junior scholars thanking us for saying something, and public silence from senior scholars who I know didn’t approve of the way their/our colleague had acted. One scholar, unconnected to the incident and who I respect very much, told me that it was great that we’d said something but that they were also surprised that anyone had said anything. Because that’s just not done.

This wasn’t in the 1970s or 1990s or early 2000s. This was within the past six years.

And why the deference to assholery? A conformist desire to not rock the boat, definitely. Power explains a lot of it. In academia as elsewhere, senior people are gatekeepers. They control access to funding and employment. And if you want to get to where they are, you often have to play ball.

Add on top of that the mystique of the genius and its corollary, that great art or brilliant insights should excuse bad behaviour. In Munro’s case, both power and genius served to isolate her and her pedophile husband from criticism, thus further victimizing her daughter who simply wanted her story to be part of the official record of her mother’s life. And while the stakes aren’t nearly (at least usually) as harrowing in academia as they are here, academia suffers from the same dynamic.

If you’ve read this far, you know all this. And you know that this is the part of the opinion piece where the writer calls on senior scholars to do better, to stand up for their junior colleagues, to call out bad behaviour.

It certainly would be nice if they would, and there are definitely decent senior scholars out there (#notallseniorscholars). But do you think, at this late date, that many of them will step up? I’d be happy to be proven wrong, and I’m sure a few more will stand up for their junior colleagues. But let’s be honest: most will probably continue to go along to get along.

Fortunately, the rest of us are far from powerless. In fact, I’d argue that junior and mid-career scholars, and those of us outside of academia’s star-making circle, are more powerful than we believe. It is possible to create something better, although it involves some sacrifice and changing our ideas about what academia is and what academic success looks like.

Step 1: Reject the cult of the genius

The first thing we need to do is to reject the cult of the genius. This is where so much cultural commentary gets tripped up. It’s true that we must grapple with the relationship between the artist and their art once it’s created. However, the much more interesting and relevant issue is around who gets to be an artist, or gets to be recognized as the artist, in the first place.

We tend to think that genius rises to the top, that true genius will be recognized and rewarded. But that’s not quite right. Genius involves talent, but it also involves luck: being born into the right society in the right way at the right time. Making the right connections. Looking the right way. Having the right skin colour. Selling yourself in the right way. Possessing acceptable opinions. Having a culturally acceptable personality. Working at the right university, in the right country, using acceptable theories. Being American, or America-adjacent, tends to help a lot.

What this also means, though, is that people – geniuses, even – who don’t fit the mould and who don’t have the same demographic luck will fall by the wayside. Institutions don’t just select for brilliance, but for acceptable brilliance. Only the right geniuses rise to the top.

That socially recognized genius has an element of chance to it means that while brilliance is individual, geniuses as a category – the people recognized by society as brilliant, with all the resulting accolades and privileges – are eminently replaceable. The recognition of one individual as a genius, as award-worthy, as a literary icon, is demand-driven. It’s not just a function of the supply of geniuses.

As Paul Simon observed in his song The Boy in the Bubble, society has a structural need for heroes. To switch industries for a moment, if Taylor Swift didn’t exist, a Taylor Swift-sized music icon would. They would have unique talents different from Swift’s, which their fans would endlessly scrutinize and celebrate. Someone different in form (different types of songs), but similar in function (a hero for the pop charts).

So too with Munro. Literary prizes would not have gone unawarded if Munro had never been born. If Munro had never written a word, we would be lauding some other genius for their (different) insights into the human condition, marvelling at their wondrous (though different) technique. The Canadian and world literary establishments needs a Munro, but not necessarily this Munro. Even now, there are other Munros out there.

The same goes for academia. There are few ideas so foundational that a single person must be placed at the centre of the conversation. And far too often, even ideas perceived to be revolutionary are themselves adapted, consciously or unconsciously, from younger academics or those from low-prestige universities or countries and then laundered through high-prestige institutions. We’re all working on the same problems based in the same raw material, after all.

(Lest we get too hung up on not working at the core of the empire, working from the margins has its own benefits, including an easier time generating novel perspectives. Like art, there are a million different ways to approach a problem.)

Understanding genius (as opposed to individual brilliance) as a title that is conferred on certain people and denied to others can be liberating. When we look for the brilliant person as opposed to the anointed chosen ones, it frees us to expand our horizons beyond the horrible and the power-hungry who seem to naturally be attracted to the power and prestige that comes from being not just a genius, but also a gatekeeper. When we understand acknowledged geniuses as something produced as much by the system as by their own talent, we no longer are stuck only with the establishment-endorsed figures as our role models. We are freed to create our own institutions, our own networks.

For the academics reading this, consider how many times you’ve come across an Ivy League academic who doesn’t know what they’re talking about. I wrote about just this phenomenon in my critique of Harvard Business School’s Shoshana Zuboff’s world-conquering (and fatally flawed) The Age of Surveillance Capitalism. Five years on, academics are increasingly critical of her argument, but when it was published in 2019, criticizing Zuboff was not something academics did publicly (As far as I can tell Evgeny Morozov published the only other early harsh critique of Zuboff). Instead, I, a graduate of a university that isn’t in the storied ranks of the world’s pre-eminent universities but who was nonetheless taught by brilliant academics, received emails from senior scholars and others thanking me for my critique.

Brilliance is not the exclusive purview of the well-connected.

Look beyond the establishment. Look for the smart people who aren’t jerks. Work with them. Cite them.

Step 2: Create your own networks

And create things with them.

Of course, the biggest problem, in literary circles as in academia, is that all-too-often assholes and their enablers are themselves gatekeepers. This can be tough for prospective PhD students who are just entering the profession. But even here students have agency. Reinforcement of these cycles of assholery begins with the PhD student who acts transactionally to leverage the prestige of an asshole professor rather than work with someone else. (The situation is different, of course, when the student only discovers later that they’re working with a terrible person. Here, it’s incumbent on the department to step in and protect the student, including facilitating a transfer to another supervisor.)

The cycle is perpetuated when we, as scholars, continue to work with such people, for any number of reasons (they’re doing interesting work, they have money, we need them for the prestige they’ll bring to our own projects). Often, deciding not to work with a toxic, senior colleague can come at a cost of foregone projects or revenue. It can mean that you’re not invited to the cool kids’ lunch table.

But here’s the thing about academia, at least in the social sciences, and at least in Canada (and here I’m talking about tenured and tenure-track professors). Even as many university systems around the world become more metric-driven, the reality remains that professors have more leeway to define the parameters of their job than in just about any other profession on the planet. A professorship, within some very general limits, can be almost anything you want it to be. Are you interested in theory? Community engagement? Public policy? Seemingly esoteric questions? Do you want to work with people in another discipline, at another university? Do you want to write books? Journal articles? Opeds? Organize conferences? Focus on teaching and mentoring students? We have so much freedom to define what it means to be an academic.

Recognizing that the cult of the genius is kind of a fraud offers its own kind of freedom. Another form of freedom comes from realizing that the belief that we have to work with senior assholes to advance our work and career is a choice, not an imperative. For this lesson, look to the DIY movement in punk rock in the 1980s and 1990s. Shut out from mainstream success, bands invented alternative ways to create networks and a culture. They worked together to create the culture they wanted to see in the world. There’s no reason why academics can’t do the same.

Start by finding your own people, especially among those who are coming up with you. Build your networks horizontally, not vertically. Help others achieve their dreams as you pursue yours. When it comes to mid-career and senior scholars, work with the ones you like, and who like you. I’ve dumped on senior scholar a lot in this piece, but there are plenty of great ones out there. I’ve worked with plenty. Find yours. The key is not to suffer the jerks just because you think they can help you get ahead, or because it’s expected.

Define your career objectives in terms of what you can accomplish working with people you want to work with. If a senior asshole stands in your way, go somewhere else. The loss is theirs. Don’t be afraid to build something where you are. It might be something smaller and initially less prestigious than what a senior academic could offer you, but great things grow from small projects.

(The dynamics are different and much harder within departments, of course. These suggestions refer mostly to discipline-level relationships. In departments, it’s all the more important not to hire jerks, no matter how brilliant they may seem, because they’ll be with you for the rest of your working life. There’s enough brilliance out there that it’s not worth the grief.)

One benefit of doing it yourself (or, rather, choosing to work with decent people rather than with jerks that you hope can advance your career) is that it reduces the chances that your professional fate will become tied to a bully. It may limit you in the short run, but if you also work to build a network of like-minded non-jerky people, the long run can end up being pretty sweet, without incurring the cost of enabling others’ bad behaviour. And remember: nobody, not even assholes, lives forever.

Make things better

In The Plague, Albert Camus proposes a basic standard of human decency. Describing the motivations of his main character, Dr. Bernard Rieux, in fighting the titular plague: “as every decent person should, he deliberately took the side of the victim and wanted to meet others, his fellow-citizens, on the basis of the only certainties they all have in common, which are love, suffering and exile.”

Camus, I think, is imploring us to aspire to help the victim and not to spread the plague, whether it is an actual biological disease, or “violence and injustice.” We must, he says, fight “against this terror and its indefatigable weapon … while not being saints but refusing to give way to the pestilence, do [our] best to be doctors.”

Everyone around Andrea Robinson Skinner failed her, first her parents, then the wider community. They failed to keep the pestilence at bay. This type of failure is all too easy to identify in our own lives. How many times have we failed to stand up for the vulnerable among us, personally or professionally? How many times have we enabled, through inaction, the actions of tyrants big and small? These failures should not be rationalized away as the price of art or money or fame or scholarship. They are beyond justification.

Skinner’s story is awful. That she has made a good life for herself and reconciled with her siblings speaks to an ineffable strength that too many people must tragically call upon because of the malice of some and the failure of others. Upon hearing her story, we can rejoice in her resilience. But we should also take her story as a challenge, not just to call out such harms when we see them, but to act in such a way that we don’t empower monsters in the first place. Our medicine must be not only curative, but preventative.

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Some thoughts on sabbaticals

I’m not sure there’s anything in academia with a greater air of mystery than the sabbatical. From outside the profession, it’s often seen as a year-long vacation and travel to exotic locales. Within, it’s treated as a chance to recharge and to finally get some real work done on our much-neglected research projects.

There’s a bit of truth in both positions. A sabbatical is a chance to recharge, and an opportunity to get things done, and I’d be lying if I said that professors don’t tend to carve out some actual vacation time in there as well. That said, this vacation time should be seen in the context of the usual academic workload, which doesn’t tend to conform to the typical 35 hour, Monday-to-Friday workweek. As someone once joked, academics work 80 hours a week, but they get to choose which 80 hours.

As it happens, I just finished my first full, honest-to-goodness sabbatical. I’d started a half-sabbatical (six months) in January 2020, but it was cut short in March when the world ended. With my 1.5 sabbaticals now under my belt, 12 years into this crazy career, I thought it might be helpful to share some sabbatical insights. My hope is that these will help demystify the sabbatical to non-academics and help early-career fellow scholars make the most of theirs when it comes around.

  • Leave the administrative stuff behind. I can’t stress this point enough. A sabbatical can be many things, but at heart it’s a chance for you to take care of your career, whether that’s through reading, research, physical recovery (I’ll get to that in a minute) or letting your mind wander in order to think of your next big project. It’s a chance to break out of the routines that can come to overwhelm our work, particularly our research. Don’t worry about your department’s politics; it’ll still be there when you get back.

    Full disclosure: This is very much a do-as-I-say, not-as-I-do suggestion. In my case, late last Summer I ended up getting involved in a Brock University Working Group to deal with the threat of generative AI. Given my research, I didn’t feel I could turn away. And then in January, our Graduate Studies Faculty unilaterally and without consultation announced they were defunding one-year Master’s programs, effectively threatening my (and other) department’s ability to run our graduate programs at all. Here, I also felt I had to get involved, since there was a good chance my department wouldn’t be there when I got back.

That said, as a rule I think it’s a healthy one.

  • Don’t wait until the beginning of your sabbatical to wind up projects. When I took a paid leave to pursue a fellowship in Germany in 2018, I spent my first several months cleaning up a lot of smaller projects, things that were just winding down. It always takes longer to finish something than you think it will. As a result, it took me that much longer to work on the things that I had planned to work on: the fun stuff.

    This time, however, I made a concerted effort to start my sabbatical with as clean a slate as possible. It worked out pretty well. I didn’t get everything done that I’d planned, but that extra pre-sabbatical push contributed to my sense that the sabbatical was indeed a break from routine.

  • Everyone’s sabbatical needs are different. The answer to the question of what is a sabbatical for, what you should want out of it, depends on the person. It could be a chance to overhaul your research agenda: A senior scholar once told me that during his first sabbatical, he decided to focus on the area in which he became a foundational voice.

    Even if you don’t end up reinventing a field, a sabbatical is an opportune time for just such a reconsideration. But it’s not the only thing you can do during a sabbatical. You can use the time, unencumbered by administrative and teaching duties, to get some writing done, or really get that research done, or teach in another department.

    Or even physically recover. One giant lesson from the ongoing pandemic is that we need to be kinder to ourselves, and to others. This is a lesson that, for me, is continually reinforced by age. The early days of the pandemic were exhausting for everyone, triply so for those with children and those dealing with pre-existing conditions. And the lingering effects of the ongoing pandemic, to say nothing of political uncertainty and climate change that literally made it difficult to breathe the air last summer, and you have a recipe for physical and mental breakdown. You’re no good to anybody if you remain exhausted beyond all help, so take the opportunity to recuperate when it presents itself.

    For my sabbatical, I wanted to do three things. First, I wanted to develop a new research agenda. I’d just published The New Knowledge, so it was a good time to plan my next steps. I also wanted to coordinate a special issue devoted to the centenary of Susan Strange’s birth, and to lay the foundations for a digital governance institute. I knew that these things were within my capacity to do, and I was able to take steps toward completing all of them.

    That said, I also spent a couple of months laid up with a pinched neck nerve, which was exactly as much fun as it sounds. Did it keep me from completing some projects? Most definitely. But whether you’re on sabbatical or not, shit happens sometimes, and you have to just roll with it and not beat yourself up over it.

  • Go somewhere else, if you can. For both of my aborted 2020 sabbatical and my 2023-24 sabbatical, I arranged a research fellowship at the Weizenbaum Institute for the Networked Society in Berlin. Beyond the excellent people and really positive atmosphere, I found that being in a different city (especially one as awesome as Berlin) and out of my usual environment really helped me focus on my research and writing. I don’t think I’ve ever been as productive, or worked as intensively, as I did in 2020 at the Institute.

    Sabbaticals are also an ideal time to meet with colleagues. In this sabbatical, we arranged a series of book talks in Canada and throughout Europe, and I also helped to organize a two-day event in London to celebrate the centenary of Susan Strange’s birth. These were all very rewarding, not just for their stated purposes, but because it allowed us to meet people we otherwise would likely never have met. If a sabbatical is about recharging, there’s nothing more invigorating or inspiring than just shooting the breeze with old and new colleagues. You never know where new ideas will come from: one of my favourite journal articles came out of a discussion over coffee in Berlin.

    Of course, not everyone can just up and go to another city, country or university. But if you can find a way to break your routine, or even just consciously set aside a good amount of time for your own work, the dividends can be significant. It’s the break that’s important.

  • Sabbaticals are the least-bad time for home renovations. There’s a reason why, in our department, the last three people to go on sabbatical, me included, used it as an opportunity to complete some large-scale home renovations. Even the smoothest-running renovations can be a huge pain in the neck. But if you’re going to be without a kitchen (and running water anywhere but your upstairs bathroom) for five months, better that it be during your sabbatical than when you’re also dealing with course prep and countless administrative issues.
  • Europe’s patio game is (mostly) on point. Because the pandemic is ongoing and we’d rather not mess with long covid, we’re still practicing covid precautions, which means almost no meals in restaurants. Fortunately, we found that even in February, many restaurants throughout Europe keep their patios open. For this, we can only thank Europe’s millions upon millions of smokers. We may have different goals – they’re poisoning their lungs while we’re trying to keep ours clean – but we’ll take our patio allies where we can get them. Thanks, Euro smokers!
  • You won’t get to everything. In the abstract, 12 months (assuming a full-year sabbatical) is a long time. But when you take out weekends, holidays, travel, family obligations, and unforeseen events, opportunities and emergencies, the time passes incredibly quickly. So you probably won’t get to everything on your list: my original plan was to look for fellowships not just in Germany, but also Australia and Brazil. Twelve months later and I can’t but wonder exactly when I thought I’d be able to take two additional international trips.

More generally, a year of unstructured work time (and it definitely is work – I think we took the equivalent of three weeks of vacation time over the past year, even as we were travelling) is both an incredible privilege and a great opportunity. If anyone has any questions about sabbaticals, or suggestions for getting the most out of yours, please leave a comment below.

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